Guyana Anti Corruption Network

SRDC Representative Met with Convicted Brazilian Miner, Yet Council Claims No Knowledge of His Background

Exclusive: Photos show Toshao Apollo Isaacs with Rodrigo Cataratas as new statement from Indigenous leader fails to address the meeting

By Guyana Anti Corruption Agency
March 9, 2026

New photographs obtained by Guyana Anti Corruption Agency reveal that Toshao Apollo Isaacs of Karaudarnau—who serves as the South Rupununi District Council’s (SRDC) representative on the National Toshao Council (NTC)—met with Brazilian mining entrepreneur Rodrigo Martins de Mello, known as Rodrigo Cataratas, who was recently sentenced to over 22 years in prison in Brazil for leading a criminal organization involved in illegal mining in the Yanomami Indigenous Territory.

The images emerge just as the SRDC issued a statement claiming it had “no information” regarding Cataratas’s criminal background, and as Isaacs released his own statement about Marudi mining that makes no mention of his meeting with the convicted Brazilian miner.

The photographs place Isaacs at the center of a widening scandal involving allegations of money laundering, transnational crime, and foreign exploitation of Guyana’s gold sector—raising urgent questions about what Indigenous leaders knew about Cataratas, when they knew it, and whether his access to community representatives was disclosed to the councils tasked with protecting Indigenous interests.

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The Photographs: A Meeting Undisclosed

The images obtained show Toshao Apollo Isaacs with Rodrigo Cataratas at a Leadership Meeting held in Aishalton last March. While the exact date and location cannot be independently confirmed, the photographs establish direct contact between a senior Indigenous leader representing South Rupununi communities and a foreign national convicted of devastating Indigenous lands across the border in Brazil.

Cataratas was sentenced in February 2026 by a Brazilian federal court for leading a criminal organization responsible for illegal gold and cassiterite mining in the protected Yanomami Indigenous Territory. The court found him responsible for severe environmental degradation, mercury poisoning, and coordinating a network that relied on a private fleet of aircraft to supply remote mining camps. He was ordered to pay approximately US$6.1 million in damages.

Despite this conviction, Cataratas has been photographed in multiple meetings with senior Guyanese officials, including Minister of Natural Resources Vickram Bharrat and Prime Minister Mark Phillips, and has announced a US$10 million gold mining venture in the Marudi district.

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The SRDC’s Statement: Claiming Ignorance

On March 9, 2026, the South Rupununi District Council issued a statement addressing concerns about illegal mining in the Marudi Mountains and what it described as “the integrity of South Rupununi leadership.”

In that statement, the Council explicitly claimed it had “no information” regarding Rodrigo Cataratas’s background.

The statement was widely interpreted as an attempt to distance the SRDC and its leaders from the scandal engulfing the Marudi mining district, where the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC) has continued processing tribute payments under the name of the Rupununi Miners Association—despite the association being formally dissolved by government order in May 2023.

The SRDC’s claim of ignorance now appears directly contradicted by the photographs showing its own NTC representative with Cataratas.

Guyana Anti Corruption Agency has contacted SRDC and offered to share all information in our posession.

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Toshao Isaacs’s Statement: What He Says—And What He Doesn’t

In a statement issued in response to recent developments, Toshao Apollo Isaacs addressed several topics related to Marudi mining but made no mention of his meeting with Rodrigo Cataratas or the Brazilian miner’s criminal conviction.

On Recent Meetings

Isaacs confirmed attending a meeting in Lethem at the GGMC compound with South Rupununi Toshaos, executives of the Rupununi Miners Association (RMA), GGMC personnel, and the Honourable Minister of Natural Resources. He stated that the meeting discussed “concerns and possible solutions while reinforcing the importance of mining regulations and environmental protection.”

He emphasized that “no documents were signed for any mining expansion, and no Brazilians were present at that meeting.”

On Community Benefits

Isaacs detailed that his village of Karaudarnau had, through a consultation process, agreed to pursue ownership of a crusher for mining operations. He stated that following a Village General Meeting, a management committee was elected, and the Rupununi Miners Association “donated a complete crusher” that is now managed by village residents.

“Karaudarnau has been benefiting from its resources and will continue to do so,” Isaacs said. “Marudi forms part of our ancestral lands and borders the village of Aishalton.”

On Employment and Closure

Isaacs strongly opposed suggestions that Marudi mining should cease, citing employment figures: “For the record, more than 700 of our Indigenous brothers and sisters are employed there. Their livelihoods—our mothers, fathers, nephews, sisters, and relatives—depend on this work.”

He argued that any call to close Marudi must be accompanied by plans for alternative opportunities.

On Bribery Allegations

Isaacs addressed what he called “wrongly accused” claims of Toshaos taking bribes, describing them as “serious and insulting allegations when made without proof.” He specifically mentioned hearing that “a foreign lawyer accused me personally of taking bribes,” calling these accusations “damaging and unfair.”

On Foreign Nationals and Brazilian Relations

Isaacs addressed the presence of Brazilian interests in Marudi, stating: “Under my leadership, I will not tolerate disrespect from foreign nationals toward our Indigenous brothers and sisters on our lands. This is Guyana, not Brazil.”

However, he also struck a conciliatory tone: “At the same time, I want to make it clear that we do not want to create enemies with our neighbouring Brazilian brothers and sisters. Our countries have always shared a good relationship, and we value peace and cooperation. We simply ask for honesty, respect, and transparency so that we can work together in a fair and respectful manner.”

Isaacs acknowledged that “there are Brazilian investments in Marudi, and only technical personnel are permitted to assist with maintaining equipment.” He added that “Toshaos carry many responsibilities, and we cannot oversee every single activity taking place in Marudi.”

The Omission

Notably absent from Isaacs’s statement is any mention of Rodrigo Cataratas by name, any reference to meeting with him, or any acknowledgment of Cataratas’s criminal conviction in Brazil for activities that bear striking parallels to concerns raised about mining in the Rupununi—environmental destruction, operation on Indigenous lands, and organized criminal networks.

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The Contradictions: What the Photos Show vs. What Leaders Say

The emergence of these photographs creates multiple contradictions that demand explanation:

For the SRDC: How could the Council state it had “no information” on Cataratas’s background when its own NTC representative was photographed with him? Was Toshao Isaacs’s meeting ever disclosed to the Council? If not, why was it concealed?

For Toshao Isaacs: If his meeting with Cataratas was routine or proper, why does his lengthy statement on Marudi mining make no mention of it? Why does he acknowledge “Brazilian investments” and “technical personnel” but not name an individual convicted of criminal organization leadership in Brazil? Does he consider a meeting with Cataratas to fall within the “honesty, respect, and transparency” he calls for?

For the Rupununi Miners Association: The RMA, which Isaacs confirms donated a crusher to Karaudarnau, is itself at the center of the money laundering investigation. The Guyana Integrity report revealed that despite being dissolved in 2023, the association’s name appears on GGMC tribute receipts from 2024 and 2025. Who is actually controlling the RMA? What is its relationship to Brazilian mining interests, including Cataratas?

For the National Toshao Council: Was the NTC aware that its South Rupununi representative was meeting with a foreign individual convicted of crimes against Indigenous peoples in Brazil? Does this meeting raise concerns about who is representing Indigenous interests in discussions about mining and land rights?

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The Larger Context: Money Laundering and Transnational Crime in Marudi

The photographs of Isaacs with Cataratas cannot be understood in isolation. They form part of a broader pattern documented by the Guyana Anti-Corruption Network and other investigators:

1. A dissolved cooperative appearing in official transactions: The Rupununi Miners Association, cancelled by government order in May 2023, continues to appear in GGMC tribute payment records from 2024 and 2025. Financial crime experts say such “shell structures” are commonly used to obscure beneficial ownership and facilitate money laundering.
2. A convicted foreign operator granted access: Rodrigo Cataratas, despite his 22-year sentence in Brazil for leading a criminal organization that devastated the Yanomami Indigenous Territory, has been photographed with Guyana’s Minister of Natural Resources and Prime Minister, and has announced a US$10 million mining venture in Marudi.
3. International enforcement action: In December 2025, Operation Guyana Shield—coordinated by Interpol and involving Guyana, Brazil, French Guiana, and Suriname—led to 198 detections across the region. In Guyana, three men were arrested on suspicion of gold smuggling and money laundering while transporting unrefined gold and US$590,000 in cash, confirming that gold smuggling routes are actively used by criminal networks.
4. Seizures in Georgetown: In April 2025, Guyana’s Special Organized Crime Unit (SOCU) seized over $81 million in local currency, US$6,000, and 4,018 pennyweights of gold from a Brazilian businessman’s Georgetown premises, suspected to be proceeds of crime.

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What Must Be Asked Now

The photographs of Toshao Apollo Isaacs with Rodrigo Cataratas, combined with the SRDC’s claim of ignorance and Isaacs’s silence on the meeting, demand immediate answers from multiple parties:

To Toshao Apollo Isaacs:

· When and where did you meet with Rodrigo Cataratas?
· What was discussed? Were mining operations, investments, or community partnerships on the agenda?
· Did you know about Cataratas’s criminal conviction in Brazil at the time of the meeting? If not, when did you learn of it?
· Why did you not disclose this meeting to the SRDC or to your community?
· Why does your statement on Marudi mining make no mention of Cataratas or this meeting?
· Do you consider meeting with an individual convicted of leading a criminal organization that devastated Indigenous lands in Brazil compatible with your duty to protect Indigenous interests in Guyana?

To the South Rupununi District Council:

· The Council stated it had “no information” on Cataratas’s background. Was Toshao Isaacs’s meeting with him ever disclosed to the Council?
· If it was disclosed, why did the Council claim ignorance? If it was not disclosed, what action will the Council take regarding its NTC representative’s failure to report such a significant meeting?
· Does this meeting change the Council’s position on the “integrity of South Rupununi leadership”?
· Will the Council now conduct its own investigation into what Toshao Isaacs discussed with Cataratas and whether any community or Council interests were compromised?

To the National Toshao Council:

· Was the NTC aware of its member’s meeting with Cataratas?
· Does this meeting raise concerns about due diligence for Indigenous leaders engaging with foreign investors?
· What protocols exist to guide Toshaos when approached by foreign nationals with investments in Indigenous areas?

To Law Enforcement (SOCU, FIU, GGMC):

· Are authorities aware of these photographs? Have they been included in any investigation?
· What investigation is being conducted into the relationship between local Indigenous leaders and foreign mining operators with criminal backgrounds?
· Has Toshao Isaacs been interviewed regarding his connection to Cataratas?
· Is there any evidence that funds or benefits flowed from Cataratas’s network to Karaudarnau or its leadership?

To the Ministry of Indigenous Peoples’ Affairs:

· What guidance is provided to Toshaos regarding engagement with foreign investors, particularly those with legal issues abroad?
· Will the Ministry investigate whether Indigenous leaders are being used to legitimize foreign mining operations with links to transnational crime?

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The Stakes: Indigenous Lands, Livelihoods, and Leadership

Toshao Isaacs’s statement emphasizes the importance of employment for the 700 Indigenous workers in Marudi and the need for economic opportunities. These are legitimate concerns that deserve serious consideration.

But the presence of a convicted criminal organization leader in the Marudi district—and his direct engagement with a senior Indigenous leader—raises the specter that these legitimate livelihoods may be intertwined with illegitimate operations. If gold from Marudi is being under-declared, if criminal networks are laundering money through mining operations, if environmental degradation is going unchecked, the long-term consequences for Indigenous communities could be devastating.

The experience of the Yanomami in Brazil offers a warning: illegal mining, when enabled by criminal networks and local facilitators, leads to environmental destruction, mercury poisoning, violence, and the breakdown of Indigenous communities. The man at the center of that devastation in Brazil, Rodrigo Cataratas, is now operating in Guyana—and has been meeting with those entrusted to lead and protect Indigenous interests here.

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Conclusion: A Test of Leadership and Accountability

The photographs of Toshao Apollo Isaacs with Rodrigo Cataratas present a clear test for Indigenous leadership in Guyana. The SRDC has staked its credibility on a claim of ignorance about Cataratas’s background. That claim is now difficult to sustain when its own NTC representative was photographed with him.

Isaacs’s statement, while addressing many aspects of the Marudi situation, is rendered incomplete by its silence on the most significant issue: his direct contact with an individual convicted of crimes against Indigenous peoples in Brazil.

The questions raised by these photographs will not disappear. They demand answers—from Isaacs, from the SRDC, from the NTC, and from the authorities tasked with protecting Guyana from transnational crime. Until those answers are provided, the integrity of South Rupununi leadership, and the safety of the Indigenous lands and livelihoods it is meant to protect, remain very much in question.

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