# EXCLUSIVE INVESTIGATION
## Minister Grants 2,300 Acres of Mining Land to His “Cousin” in Secret Christmas Eve Gazette Deal
**By Guyana Anti-Corruption Network (GACN)**
**Investigative Unit**
**Date: February 13, 2026**
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### THE CHRISTMAS EVE SURPRISE
While Guyanese families gathered on Christmas Eve 2025 to celebrate the holiday season, exchange gifts, and prepare for Christmas Day, a very different kind of gift was being quietly prepared in the corridors of power.
On December 24, 2025—the day before Christmas—the official paperwork was finalized for one of the most brazen transfers of public wealth into private hands in Guyana’s recent history. The timing was anything but coincidental. A former government official who spoke to GACN on condition of anonymity explained that December 24 is when the country checks out. Parliament is closed. The media is on holiday. Newspapers aren’t publishing. Everyone is focused on their families and their celebrations. If you want to slip something through without public scrutiny, Christmas Eve is the perfect cover.
The Prospecting Permits Medium Scale (PPMS) Exemption Order 2026 bears the date of January 8, 2026 in the Official Gazette, but GACN has obtained documents showing the permits themselves—GS8: M-1193/001/2025 and GS8: M-1193/000/2025—were processed and approved on December 24, 2025.
**Critically, this information has never been published on the Official Gazette website.** Despite the Order being dated January 8, 2026, and purportedly published in the Gazette, the actual permits and the exemption order itself have not been uploaded to the government’s official online repository. This means the public—and even journalists and oversight bodies—would have no way of accessing these documents unless they obtained a physical copy of the Gazette or, like GACN, received them from internal sources. The absence of these documents from the official website raises serious questions about whether the government intended for this transaction to remain hidden from public view, accessible only to those who knew exactly what to look for and where to find it.
The choice of date and the failure to publish online raise obvious questions: What was the hurry? Why the rush to complete this transaction before Christmas? What needed to be hidden in the holiday fog? And why ensure the digital record remained invisible?
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### THE DEAL
An explosive document quietly published in the Official Gazette on January 8, 2026—but never uploaded to the Gazette’s website—has exposed what the Guyana Anti-Corruption Network (GACN) is calling a textbook case of nepotism, self-enrichment, and potential money laundering at the highest levels of the Guyanese government.
The Prospecting Permits Medium Scale (PPMS) Exemption Order 2026, signed by Minister of Natural Resources Vickram Bharrat, grants a direct and exclusive exemption to Javed Mustapha, allowing him to bypass the country’s competitive bidding laws for two massive tracts of state land in the Mazaruni Mining District totaling approximately 2,349 acres.
GACN investigators have confirmed through multiple sources and documentary evidence that Javed Mustapha is the biological son of sitting Minister of Agriculture, Zulfikar Mustapha. The beneficiary of this lucrative state asset is therefore not merely a distant cousin or political associate—he is the direct offspring of a senior cabinet member, being handed thousands of acres of mineral-rich public land by a fellow minister in what appears to be a coordinated transfer of public wealth into private family hands.
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### THE CHRISTMAS EVE TIMELINE
On December 24, 2025, the PPMS permits were processed and approved for Javed Mustapha. This was Christmas Eve, when government offices operate with minimal staff and public attention is focused on holiday preparations. On December 25, 2025, Christmas Day, the public was completely distracted by holiday celebrations. On December 26, 2025, Boxing Day, the extended holiday weekend continued. Finally, on January 8, 2026, the Order was published in the Official Gazette, appearing as a routine publication, but the permits had been approved two weeks earlier. The gap between approval on December 24 and publication on January 8 allowed the transaction to move through the system during the holiday period when oversight is lax, while the eventual publication in the new year gives the appearance of a routine administrative matter. The failure to publish these documents on the Gazette website ensured that even this routine appearance would be difficult to discover.
A former GGMC employee who worked in permitting told GACN that this was deliberate. You don’t approve major mining exemptions on Christmas Eve by accident. You do it because you don’t want anyone to notice. You do it because you know what you’re doing is wrong. And you don’t publish it online because you hope no one will ever find it.
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### THE MUSTAPHA FAMILY BUSINESS EMPIRE
Javed Mustapha is not a career miner, geologist, or someone with any known expertise in extractive industries. According to property records, business registrations, and commercial documents examined by GACN investigators, the younger Mustapha has been quietly amassing a significant portfolio of real estate and commercial ventures across Guyana—all during his father’s tenure in government.
He is linked—alongside his father, Minister Zulfikar Mustapha—to a series of large homes and apartment buildings in and around Georgetown, including multiple properties in upscale neighborhoods that far exceed what public salaries could reasonably support. The Mustapha’s have also rebuilt their family home in Bloomfield into a mini palace. As of a few months ago, the only paved road in Bloomfield was the road leading to Mustapha’s house. The scale of these property accumulation raises urgent questions about the source of funds used to acquire these assets.
Additionally, Javed Mustapha is registered as the owner of a car dealership, a cash-intensive business that, like real estate, is notoriously vulnerable to use as a vehicle for money laundering and illicit financial flows. The ability to move large sums of money through vehicle sales and property transactions, combined with the sudden acquisition of high-value mining permits, creates a perfect storm of red flags for financial crime investigators.
GACN has documented at least seven separate properties linked to the Mustapha family that have been acquired or significantly improved since 2020, with a combined estimated value exceeding six hundred million Guyana dollars—an amount that bears no relationship to declared ministerial salaries.
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### THE FATHER’S SHADOW: ZULFIKAR MUSTAPHA’S TROUBLED RECORD
The appointment of Javed Mustapha as the sole beneficiary of this mining exemption cannot be viewed in isolation from the track record of his father, Minister of Agriculture Zulfikar Mustapha. GACN has documented a consistent pattern of opaque financial dealings and questionable contract awards under his watch.
Sources within procurement oversight bodies and whistleblowers from the Ministry of Agriculture have repeatedly raised concerns about contracts issued under the Minister’s direction. His name has been linked to numerous unsavory contracts awarded to politically connected entities, often without competitive tender—a pattern that now appears to run directly in the family.
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### THE GUYSUCO BLACK HOLE
Most alarmingly, Minister Zulfikar Mustapha has overseen the allocation of billions of dollars to GUYSUCO, the Guyana Sugar Corporation. Despite repeated infusions of public funds, the state-owned enterprise continues to drain money from the treasury with no end in sight, according to multiple budgetary oversight documents and Auditor General reports.
GACN’s analysis of public financial documents reveals that between 2020 and 2025, over fifteen billion Guyana dollars were allocated to GUYSUCO. During this period, there has been no corresponding increase in sugar production or export earnings, no modernization of aging factory infrastructure, no repayment of loans or reduction of debt, and repeated requests for additional subsidies accompanied by minimal accountability. Production has declined by approximately forty percent since 2020, while subsidies have nearly doubled.
Critics have long questioned where these billions are actually going. Former GUYSUCO board members who spoke with GACN on condition of anonymity described money disappearing into administrative costs, consultant fees, and contracts with connected suppliers while core operations continue to deteriorate.
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### THE NDIA LEAKAGE: BILLIONS MORE DOWN THE DRAIN
GACN has now identified another major channel of state fund leakage under Minister Zulfikar Mustapha’s direct oversight: the National Drainage and Irrigation Authority (NDIA).
As Minister of Agriculture, Zulfikar Mustapha exercises direct control over the NDIA’s budget and contracting processes. Our investigation has uncovered a pattern of systematic financial mismanagement and potential corruption within the authority. This includes no-bid contracts for drainage and irrigation projects routinely awarded to politically connected contractors, often at prices significantly above market rates. There is evidence of inflated costs for excavators, pumps, and other equipment, with procurement files showing prices thirty to fifty percent higher than comparable equipment from non-connected suppliers. Ghost contracts for maintenance work on canals and drainage systems that, according to local farmers in multiple regions, was never actually performed have also been documented. Emergency declarations have been used to bypass normal procurement procedures, allowing funds to be rushed to preferred contractors with minimal oversight. There are also recurring payments to the same small group of contractors year after year despite poor performance and incomplete work.
GACN has obtained internal NDIA documents showing that between 2021 and 2025, the authority expended approximately 8.7 billion Guyana dollars on contracts awarded without competitive tender. Of this amount, more than sixty percent went to just five contractors, all of whom have documented political connections to the ruling party and, in some cases, personal ties to Minister Mustapha himself.
Specific cases documented by GACN include Contract NDIA-2023-089 valued at 247 million dollars for drainage works in Region 5, awarded in March 2023 without competitive tender to a company whose director is a known political donor. The work was certified as complete despite local farmers reporting that critical canals were never cleaned. Contract NDIA-2024-012 valued at 312 million dollars for pump station rehabilitation in Region 3 was awarded in January 2024 under an emergency declaration, despite no evidence of an actual emergency. The winning bid was forty percent higher than a competing bid from an established engineering firm. Additionally, between 2022 and 2025, a single contractor received NDIA contracts totaling over 1.2 billion dollars across multiple no-bid awards, despite documented performance issues and complaints from multiple regional authorities.
The parallel is unmistakable: just as billions vanish into the black hole of GUYSUCO with minimal accountability, and additional billions leak through the NDIA’s opaque contracting processes, now thousands of acres of mining land are being handed to the Minister’s son with no transparency whatsoever. The pattern suggests a coordinated system for channeling public resources into private hands.
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### THE CHRISTMAS EVE MINING DEAL: MECHANICS AND TIMING
The legal document at the center of this investigation is remarkably direct in its purpose. It explicitly waives Regulation 27B(2) of the Mining Act, which exists specifically to prevent the private allocation of public mining lands by forcing them into a public lottery or bidding process.
By signing this order, Minister Vickram Bharrat has ensured that no one could compete against Javed Mustapha for these acres. The Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC) is legally barred from holding these areas in reserve for public disposal. They belong, effectively, to Javed Mustapha, pending his application and payment of standard fees—fees that represent a tiny fraction of the land’s true mineral value.
The Christmas Eve approval is particularly significant for several reasons. First, minimal oversight: government offices on December 24 operate with skeleton staff. The usual checks, reviews, and second looks that might catch irregularities are postponed to the new year. Second, no media scrutiny: Guyana’s media outlets are either closed or operating with reduced staff. Newsrooms are not monitoring government document flows. Third, public distraction: the public’s attention is on holiday preparations, not on mining permits. Fourth, year-end rush: December 24 is often used to clear pending matters, making unusual approvals blend in with routine year-end administrative work. Fifth, paper trail muddling: documents dated late December can be presented as last year’s business when scrutiny eventually arises in the new year. And sixth, digital invisibility: by not publishing the documents on the Gazette website, the government ensured that even the minimal public record would be nearly impossible to locate without inside knowledge.
A former GGMC employee who worked in permitting told GACN that you don’t approve major mining exemptions on Christmas Eve by accident. You do it because you don’t want anyone to notice. You do it because you know what you’re doing is wrong.
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### THE MINING BLOCKS: WHAT JAVED MUSTAPHA NOW CONTROLS
The two blocks, located in Mining District Number 3 in the Mazaruni region, comprise approximately 2,349 acres total. Block 1, with file reference M-1193/001/2025, covers approximately 1,160 acres or about 469 hectares, with four boundary points forming a roughly rectangular shape. Block 2, with file reference M-1193/000/2025, covers approximately 1,189 acres or about 481 hectares, with six boundary points forming an irregular polygon. The total area of approximately 2,349 acres represents about 950 hectares or 3.67 square miles.
The complex polygon shape of Block 2, with its six boundary points, suggests the blocks were carefully configured—likely to include specific geological features, known mineral deposits, or to exclude existing claims. This is not a random swath of land; it is a surgically precise selection of territory with likely high mineral value. Both blocks share the exact same commencement point, Point A at longitude 59 degrees 35 minutes 34.843 seconds west and latitude 6 degrees 15 minutes 0.0 seconds north, confirming they are adjacent or potentially overlapping parcels.
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### THE MONEY TRAIL: A LAUNDERING HYPOTHESIS
Financial crime experts consulted by GACN have identified multiple pathways through which these mining permits could facilitate money laundering, particularly when combined with the family’s existing business interests.
The first pathway is asset conversion. Illicit funds—potentially sourced from kickbacks on NDIA contracts, GUYSUCO subsidies, or other government procurement schemes—can be converted into a legitimate-looking asset in the form of a mining permit. The permit appears legal on paper, having been issued by a government minister and published in the Official Gazette, even if that publication was hidden from the public online.
The second pathway is legitimate income generation. Once Javed Mustapha holds the permits, he has multiple options. He can mine them himself despite having no mining experience, but more likely, he can on-sell them to legitimate mining companies. The proceeds from such a sale would appear as clean, taxable income from a business transaction, effectively washing any underlying dirty money.
The third pathway is joint venture structuring. Javed Mustapha can enter into joint venture agreements with established mining companies, contributing the permits as his equity share. He would then receive legitimate dividend payments and director’s fees, creating a permanent income stream derived from the initial asset.
The fourth pathway is collateral for loans. The permits can be used as collateral to secure bank loans from both domestic and international financial institutions. If the loans are subsequently defaulted on, the cash remains in Mustapha accounts, and the bank is left holding an overvalued asset.
The fifth pathway is layering through existing businesses. The car dealership and real estate holdings provide perfect vehicles for integrating funds. Mining income can be mixed with dealership revenue, making it impossible to trace. Property purchases can be explained as investments of successful business profits.
The sixth pathway is international transfers. The car dealership provides a mechanism for moving value internationally through vehicle imports and exports, potentially allowing funds to leave Guyana and enter foreign banking systems.
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### THE PROPERTY TRAIL: DOCUMENTING UNEXPLAINED WEALTH
GACN investigators have compiled a preliminary inventory of properties linked to Javed Mustapha and his father, Minister Zulfikar Mustapha. These include a luxury home in Bel Air Springs valued at approximately 45 million dollars, acquired in 2021 and registered to Javed Mustapha. An apartment complex in Cummings Lodge valued at approximately 38 million dollars was developed in 2022 by interests linked to the Mustapha family. A commercial property on Regent Street valued at approximately 22 million dollars was acquired in 2023 and is now leased to multiple businesses. A luxury home in Liliendaal valued at approximately 52 million dollars is currently under construction with an acquisition date of 2024. A residential property in South Ruimveldt valued at approximately 12 million dollars was acquired in 2020 through an intermediary. An apartment building in Kitty valued at approximately 28 million dollars with multiple units was acquired in 2023. A commercial property in Providence near the new highway development valued at approximately 15 million dollars was acquired in 2024.
The total documented property value exceeds 212 million Guyana dollars. This figure does not include the car dealership business, vehicles inventory, or any overseas assets that may exist. It also does not include properties held through shell companies or nominees.
The question that demands an answer is what legitimate source of income explains this level of wealth accumulation. Minister Zulfikar Mustapha’s annual parliamentary salary is approximately 12 million dollars before taxes. Javed Mustapha’s car dealership, while potentially profitable, would need to generate extraordinary returns to fund this level of real estate investment in just a few years. No public evidence suggests such returns.
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### THE CAR DEALERSHIP CONNECTION
Javed Mustapha’s ownership of a car dealership is particularly significant for anti-money laundering investigators. Vehicle sales businesses have several characteristics that make them attractive for money laundering. Cash transactions are common and raise fewer questions than in other sectors. Legitimate sales proceeds can be easily mixed with illicit funds. Vehicle prices can be inflated or deflated to move specific amounts of money. Import and export documentation provides cover for cross-border transfers. Illicit cash converts into inventory that can later be sold for clean proceeds.
The combination of a cash-intensive business, significant real estate holdings, and now high-value mining permits creates multiple channels for integrating illicit wealth into the legitimate economy. Each channel provides cover for the others.
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### INSIDER TRADING OF STATE ASSETS
In the corporate world, if an executive tipped off their son about a pending deal so the son could acquire assets before the public, it would be called insider trading, a serious criminal offense carrying severe penalties.
In this case, the insider information was the precise location and availability of state land with high mineral potential. The executive is the Minister of Agriculture, whose son just happened to be positioned to receive this windfall from another minister at the exact moment the land became available.
The question must be asked directly: Did Minister Zulfikar Mustapha discuss mining opportunities with his cabinet colleague, Minister Vickram Bharrat? Did he advocate, directly or indirectly, for his son’s inclusion in this exemption? Did he use his position as a senior minister to steer a valuable state asset toward his own flesh and blood?
Even if Minister Zulfikar Mustapha remained entirely silent—which strains credulity—the appearance of corruption is overwhelming. Cabinet ministers are expected to maintain the highest standards of conduct and to avoid even the appearance of impropriety. The fact that a minister’s son received such a benefit without any public explanation or competitive process is itself a failure of ethical governance. The fact that the documents were never published on the Gazette website suggests an awareness that this appearance of impropriety would not withstand public scrutiny.
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### THE CHRISTMAS EVE CONNECTION: PATTERN OF HOLIDAY DEALS
GACN is investigating whether this Christmas Eve approval is part of a broader pattern of significant government transactions being rushed through during holiday periods when scrutiny is minimized.
Preliminary research suggests that in December 2023, multiple no-bid contracts were approved by the Ministry of Agriculture in the week before Christmas. In December 2024, land allocations in Region 4 were processed during the holiday week. In December 2025, Javed Mustapha’s mining permits were approved on Christmas Eve.
A transparency expert consulted by GACN noted that holiday governance is a red flag. When governments do important things on days when no one is watching, it’s usually because they don’t want anyone to watch. Christmas Eve approvals should automatically trigger investigation. And when those approvals are also withheld from online publication, the intent to hide becomes unmistakable.
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### THE LEGAL AND ETHICAL VIOLATIONS
While Section 133 of the Mining Act technically grants the Minister power to make such orders, legal experts consulted by GACN emphasize that statutory power is not absolute and must be exercised in good faith and for proper purposes.
A constitutional lawyer who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter explained that the doctrine of legitimate expectation means that citizens expect public assets to be disposed of fairly and transparently. When a minister uses discretionary power to benefit his colleague’s son, without any public interest justification, that is an abuse of office. It may be technically legal on its face, but it is corrupt in substance and likely violates principles of public law.
Potential violations include breach of public trust, which is a common law offense. Nepotism, meaning appointing or favoring relatives in the disposition of public assets. Abuse of office, or misuse of public position for private benefit. Money laundering, if proceeds of crime are integrated through the permit. Procurement violations, meaning bypassing competition requirements for public assets. Conflict of interest, or failure to disclose and manage conflicts. And illicit enrichment, or acquisition of wealth inconsistent with lawful income.
GACN has referred these findings to the State Assets Recovery Agency, the Special Organised Crime Unit (SOCU), and the Auditor General’s office, with a formal request for investigation. The absence of the permits from the Gazette website has been highlighted as evidence of deliberate concealment.
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### INTERNATIONAL IMPLICATIONS
The mining sector in Guyana has attracted significant international investment and attention in recent years, particularly with major offshore oil discoveries. International financial institutions and foreign investors have a legitimate interest in ensuring that Guyana’s extractive industries are governed transparently and free from corruption.
This case raises concerns that may affect investor confidence, as international mining companies may question whether they can compete fairly if permits are allocated through political connections rather than transparent processes. Anti-money laundering compliance may be affected, as international banks processing transactions related to Guyanese mining may need to conduct enhanced due diligence. International cooperation may be required, as foreign law enforcement and financial intelligence units may need to examine any cross-border transactions linked to these permits. Development partner relationships may be strained, as international donors and partners may reconsider support for Guyanese institutions if corruption appears systemic.
GACN is sharing relevant information with international partners through established anti-corruption networks, including the fact that these permits were approved on Christmas Eve and never published online.
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### THE UNANSWERED QUESTIONS
Why was Javed Mustapha chosen? The document provides no justification for selecting the Minister’s son over any other Guyanese citizen. What special qualifications does a car dealer possess for medium-scale mining operations? What public interest is served by this exclusive allocation?
Why Christmas Eve? Why was the approval rushed through on December 24, 2025? Who made the decision to process these permits on the day before Christmas? What needed to be hidden?
Why was this never published online? The Official Gazette website contains no record of these permits or the exemption order. Was this a deliberate attempt to keep the public from discovering this transaction? Who made the decision to withhold these documents from digital publication?
What is the mineral value? These 2,349 acres in the Mazaruni Mining District—one of Guyana’s most mineral-rich regions—have not been subject to any public assessment. What gold, diamonds, or other minerals lie beneath? What is the estimated market value of these permits had they gone to public auction?
Where did the property wealth come from? The series of large homes and apartment buildings linked to Javed and Zulfikar Mustapha represent significant wealth. What are the legitimate sources of this wealth, and do they align with public salary records and declared income? Zulfikar Mustapha has always been a politician and his son graduated from University 2021/2022.
What is the GUYSUCO connection? Have any funds from the billions allocated to GUYSUCO flowed, directly or indirectly, into Mustapha family businesses, real estate holdings, or other investments?
What is the NDIA connection? How many NDIA contracts have been awarded to politically connected contractors? What is the total value of no-bid contracts issued under Minister Mustapha’s oversight? Where have those funds ultimately gone?
Did Minister Bharrat know? When Minister Vickram Bharrat signed this order, was he aware that Javed Mustapha is the biological son of his cabinet colleague? If so, why did he proceed without public disclosure, recusal, or independent review?
Will Javed Mustapha mine the land himself? Does he have the capital, equipment, and expertise to conduct medium-scale mining operations? Or is this permit destined to be flipped to a third party for a quick profit?
What other Christmas Eve deals exist? Is this part of a broader pattern? What other significant government transactions were approved on December 24, 2025, and never published online?
Who else knew? Who else in government was aware of this Christmas Eve approval? Who signed off? Who raised no objections? Who decided to keep this off the Gazette website?
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### THE RESPONSE
GACN has made repeated attempts to reach all parties involved for comment.
Minister Vickram Bharrat of the Ministry of Natural Resources has not responded to multiple calls, emails, or written questions delivered to his office. Staff members stated the Minister was unavailable and would respond in due course, but no response has been received as of publication.
Minister Zulfikar Mustapha of the Ministry of Agriculture declined to comment when approached at a public event, with an aide stating the Minister was unaware of any mining permits involving family members and was too busy with agricultural matters to address questions. Subsequent written questions were ignored.
Javed Mustapha could not be reached for comment. His car dealership directed inquiries to a lawyer who did not return calls by press time. Visits to the dealership resulted in staff stating the owner was not available.
The Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC) referred all questions to the Ministry of Natural Resources, which remains silent.
The National Drainage and Irrigation Authority (NDIA) did not respond to requests for comment or for documents related to contracting practices.
A GUYSUCO employee under condition of anonymity said, the corporation complies with all financial regulations and that questions about subsidies should be directed to the Ministry of Agriculture.
The Office of the President has not responded to inquiries about whether President Irfaan Ali was aware of the Christmas Eve approval, the family relationship between the beneficiary and a cabinet minister, or the decision to withhold these documents from the Gazette website.
The silence from those in positions of authority speaks volumes.
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### CALL TO ACTION
The Guyana Anti-Corruption Network calls upon the State Assets Recovery Agency to immediately investigate the source of funds used to acquire properties linked to Javed and Zulfikar Mustapha.
We call upon the Special Organised Crime Unit (SOCU) to open a financial investigation into potential money laundering through the car dealership, real estate holdings, and mining permits, with particular attention to the Christmas Eve approval and the concealment of documents from public view.
We call upon the Auditor General to conduct a special audit of NDIA contracts and GUYSUCO expenditures since 2020, with particular attention to contracts approved during holiday periods.
We call upon the Public Accounts Committee to summon Minister Zulfikar Mustapha for questioning regarding contracting practices and the billions in subsidies to GUYSUCO.
We call upon the Integrity Commission to examine potential conflicts of interest and ethical violations in the Christmas Eve mining permit approval and the subsequent failure to publish online.
We call upon the President of Guyana to immediately suspend the PPMS Exemption Order pending investigation and to demonstrate commitment to transparency by ensuring no cabinet minister’s relatives benefit from discretionary allocations and that all government documents are promptly published online.
We call upon the Guyana Police Force to investigate potential criminal offenses including corruption, abuse of office, and money laundering.
We call upon Parliament to launch a bipartisan investigation into the Christmas Eve approval, the failure to publish online, and the broader pattern of holiday-period government transactions.
We call upon civil society organizations to demand accountability and transparency in the management of public resources.
We call upon international partners to support anti-corruption efforts and ensure that Guyana’s extractive wealth benefits all Guyanese, not just politically connected families who hide their deals on Christmas Eve.
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### CONCLUSION: A CHRISTMAS GIFT FOR THE MUSTAPHA FAMILY
While Guyanese families exchanged modest gifts and celebrated the birth of Christ on December 25, 2025, the Mustapha family received something far more valuable than anything under a Christmas tree: 2,349 acres of their country’s mineral wealth, wrapped in official government stationery and delivered through the Ministry of Natural Resources, then hidden from the public by never being published online.
The timing was deliberate. The secrecy was calculated. The digital invisibility was intentional. The beneficiaries were connected.
A cabinet minister’s son, already linked to significant real estate holdings and a cash-intensive business, was handed thousands of acres of public mining land by another minister on Christmas Eve—when no one was watching, when the media was silent, when the public was distracted by holiday cheer, and when the digital record could be conveniently omitted.
This occurs against a backdrop of billions in unaccounted public funds flowing through the Ministry of Agriculture—both through GUYSUCO subsidies and NDIA contracting—overseen by the beneficiary’s father, whose name has been repeatedly linked to questionable contracts and opaque financial dealings.
The patterns are consistent. The connections are clear. The beneficiaries are identifiable. The concealment methods are now exposed.
The people of Guyana are left with an unavoidable conclusion: their natural resources, their tax dollars, and their public assets are being treated not as a public trust held for the benefit of all, but as a family inheritance to be distributed among the politically connected—often wrapped as Christmas gifts when no one is looking and then hidden from the digital record so no one will ever find them.
When the Minister of Agriculture’s son receives mining rights from the Minister of Natural Resources on Christmas Eve, when billions vanish into state enterprises and infrastructure contracts controlled by the father, when the documents are never published on the official government website, it ceases to be a series of coincidences or isolated incidents. It becomes a system—a system designed to channel public wealth into private hands, often under the cover of holiday darkness and digital omission.
The question now is whether Guyana’s oversight institutions—the State Assets Recovery Agency, the Special Organised Crime Unit, the Auditor General, the Integrity Commission, the Parliament—will have the independence, resources, and courage to investigate fully, or whether the Mustapha family’s reach extends further than we know.
Guyanese citizens deserve answers. They deserve to know that their resources are being managed honestly. They deserve to know that no family has a monopoly on public wealth. And they deserve to know what other Christmas Eve surprises await them in the fine print of a government that won’t even publish its own decisions online.
The Guyana Anti-Corruption Network will continue to investigate, to document, and to demand accountability. We call on all Guyanese of goodwill to join us in this fight.
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### HOW CITIZENS CAN HELP
If you have information relevant to this investigation—including documents, insider knowledge, or personal experiences with NDIA contracting practices, GUYSUCO financial management, Ministry of Agriculture procurement, Javed Mustapha’s business dealings, Zulfikar Mustapha’s official activities, the mining permit allocation process, other Christmas Eve government approvals, or any other relevant matters—please contact the Guyana Anti-Corruption Network securely.
All information will be treated with strict confidentiality. Whistleblowers are protected under Guyana’s laws.
Contact information for GACN is available through official channels.
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### DOCUMENTS OBTAINED BY GACN
GACN has obtained and verified the following documents: Official Gazette Number 1 of 2026, Legal Supplement B, which was never uploaded to the Gazette website; PPMS Permits GS8: M-1193/001/2025 and GS8: M-1193/000/2025, both dated December 24, 2025; property records for seven Mustapha-linked properties; NDIA contract database extracts covering 2021 to 2025; GUYSUCO subsidy records covering 2020 to 2025; and business registration records for Javed Mustapha’s car dealership.
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### MAP OF MINING BLOCKS
A detailed map prepared by GACN with full coordinate data and overlay instructions for Google Earth and QGIS confirms two adjacent blocks totaling 2,349 acres, located in Mazaruni Mining District Number 3, with access via the Kartuni River system, and irregular boundaries suggesting targeted selection of mineral-rich areas.
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**This investigation was conducted by the Guyana Anti-Corruption Network (GACN), an independent civil society organization dedicated to promoting transparency, accountability, and integrity in the management of Guyana’s public resources. GACN accepts no government or political party funding and is committed to impartial, evidence-based research and advocacy.**
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**END OF INVESTIGATIVE REPORT**
**February 13, 2026**
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