Guarding Guyana's Future, Investigating the Cost of Corruption

**Date:** February 26, 2026
**Subject:** Case Report: Alexandre Ramagem – Crimes, Conviction, and Escape via Guyana, with Context on Regional Illicit Networks

### 1. Executive Summary

This report expands on the case of Alexandre Ramagem, a convicted Brazilian coup plotter and fugitive, with a specific focus on his connections to illicit activities in the Guyana-Brazil border region. Ramagem fled Brazil in September 2025 via a clandestine crossing into Guyana, from where he traveled to the United States. Evidence has emerged linking Ramagem to Rodrigo Martins Mello (Rodrigo Cataratas), a Brazilian mining boss recently convicted of leading a massive illegal mining operation in the Yanomami Indigenous Territory. Cataratas’s son is under investigation for allegedly assisting Ramagem’s escape. This connection places Ramagem’s flight within the broader context of transnational crime networks operating in the Guiana Shield, which are actively involved in illegal gold mining, money laundering, drug trafficking, and corruption. A recent investigation by Guyana Integrity further reveals that associates of former President Jair Bolsonaro, including individuals linked to major financial crimes, are establishing operations in Guyana’s gold sector, signaling a strategic migration of illicit actors into the country. Recent landmark cross-border operations, such as INTERPOL’s Operation Guyana Shield, have highlighted the scale and interconnectedness of these illicit economies.

### 2. Alexandre Ramagem’s Crimes and Conviction

Alexandre Ramagem was tried and convicted by the First Chamber of the Brazilian Supreme Court (STF) for his involvement in a scheme to keep former President Jair Bolsonaro in power after his defeat in the 2022 election. His conviction stems from his actions as the head of the Brazilian Intelligence Agency (Abin).

**Core Convictions:** Ramagem was found guilty of the following crimes and sentenced to 16 years, 1 month, and 15 days in prison in a closed regime: armed criminal organization, attempted violent abolition of the Democratic Rule of Law, and coup d’état.

**Specific Actions:** The investigation revealed that Ramagem used the structure of Abin to illegally monitor political opponents and to produce and disseminate fake news and disinformation about the electoral process. This was part of a strategy to create a climate of instability that would allow the then-president to remain in power.

**Additional Charges:** Following his conviction and the subsequent loss of his parliamentary mandate, the STF reactivated a separate criminal case against him for crimes related to the January 8, 2023, attacks on government buildings in Brasília. He now also faces charges of qualified damage to property of the Union and deterioration of listed property.

### 3. Alexandre Ramagem’s Direct Link to Illegal Mining Networks

Recent judicial developments and journalistic investigations have revealed a significant personal connection between Alexandre Ramagem and individuals implicated in illegal mining activities in the Brazilian Amazon, specifically in the state of Roraima, which borders Guyana. This connection has now been underscored by a landmark conviction.

**Personal Friendship with Convicted Mining Boss:** Ramagem has a documented public friendship with Rodrigo Martins Mello, known as Rodrigo Cataratas. Cataratas is a well-known businessman and garimpeiro (artisanal miner) who became one of the most notorious figures in the illegal mining crisis on Yanomami Indigenous Territory.

**Cataratas’s Landmark Conviction:** On January 28, 2026, the Federal Court in Roraima handed down a significant conviction against Rodrigo Cataratas for his role in leading criminal activities in the Yanomami Indigenous Territory. The court found that Cataratas led a “solid and structured criminal organization” that operated between 2018 and 2022 to illegally mine gold and cassiterite. His specific convictions include leading a criminal organization for illegal mining, money laundering through a network of companies and aircraft, usurpation of Union minerals (illegal mining), and environmental crimes.

**The Sentence and Fines:** For these crimes, Rodrigo Cataratas was sentenced to 22 years and 7 months in prison in an initial closed regime. Critically, the court also ordered him to pay R$31.7 million (approximately US$5.7 million) in collective moral damages to the Yanomami people for the harm caused to their health, way of life, and security. On top of this, he faces significant unpaid environmental fines. Federal and state environmental agencies have levied millions in fines against him for illegal mining activities; records indicate he owes over R$12 million (approximately US$2.2 million) for various environmental violations, separate from the criminal indemnity.

**Sophisticated Criminal Operation:** According to the court ruling, Cataratas managed a sophisticated operation that used at least 23 aircraft to transport miners, fuel, equipment, and illegally extracted ore, all while attempting to give the operation an appearance of legality. The court noted that he publicly “takes pride in calling himself a garimpeiro on his social media, despite the criminal context involved, evidently stimulating other people to enter this type of criminal activity.”

**Family Members Also Convicted:** His son, Celso Martins de Mello, was also convicted and sentenced to over 10 years in prison for acting as his father’s “right-hand man” in the criminal enterprise. His sister, Brunna Martins de Mello, received a sentence of over 10 years as well.

**Direct Connection to Ramagem’s Escape:** Critically, Celso Martins de Mello (Cataratas’s son) is the same individual under investigation by Brazilian authorities for allegedly assisting Alexandre Ramagem in his escape from Brazil to the United States via Guyana in September 2025. This provides a direct operational link between Ramagem’s flight and the family at the heart of one of the Amazon’s largest illegal mining networks.

**Cataratas’s Presence in Guyana and Political Ties:** At the time of his conviction, the court noted that Rodrigo Cataratas was “currently a mining businessman in Guyana.” This confirms that the leader of this criminal organization has established a physical presence in Guyana, likely leveraging the same networks and expertise used in the Yanomami territory. Cataratas is also a known supporter of former President Jair Bolsonaro, having run for federal deputy in 2022 on a pro-mining platform. His case exemplifies the migration of Bolsonaro-allied mining interests into Guyana.

**Implications for GACN’s Work:** This conviction transforms the understanding of Ramagem’s associations. His friendship with Cataratas is not merely a connection to a minor illegal miner but to the convicted leader of a major transnational criminal enterprise. The fact that Cataratas’s son is implicated in Ramagem’s escape, and that Cataratas himself is now operating in Guyana, raises critical questions about the extent to which these networks have established themselves in the country. It also highlights the deep intertwining of Brazilian political figures, illegal mining, money laundering, and the use of Guyana as both an operational base and an escape route.

Rodrigo Cataratas at a PPP election event in Region 9. September, 2025

### 4. The Escape into Guyana and Travel to the USA

After his conviction but before his prison sentence was to be executed, Ramagem fled Brazil in September 2025. His escape was a clear violation of court orders that prohibited him from leaving the country and required him to surrender his passports.

**Clandestine Exit from Brazil:** According to investigations by the Brazilian Federal Police (PF), Ramagem did not leave through an official border checkpoint. Instead, he crossed the border clandestinely from the state of Roraima into Guyana. The Director-General of the Federal Police stated, “The escape route seems very clear: via Guyana, leaving Brazil clandestinely without going through any inspection point.”

**Travel Timeline:** Investigations indicate that on September 9, 2025, the day Justice Alexandre de Moraes read his vote for Ramagem’s conviction, Ramagem was in Boa Vista, Roraima. By September 10, he had crossed into Guyana, and on September 11, he boarded a direct flight from Georgetown to Miami, Florida.

**Use of Diplomatic Passport:** Ramagem reportedly used his diplomatic passport, which he had not surrendered despite a court order, to enter the United States.

**Accomplice Arrested:** The Federal Police identified and arrested an individual in Brazil who is accused of assisting Ramagem in his escape across the border.

**Current Status:** Ramagem is currently a fugitive from Brazilian justice. A preventive arrest warrant has been issued against him. He is residing in Miami, Florida, with his wife and daughters. As a result of his final conviction, he has lost his mandate as a federal deputy and has been dismissed from his career position as a Federal Police delegate.

**Extradition Proceedings:** The Brazilian government has taken formal steps to have Ramagem returned to Brazil to serve his sentence. On December 30, 2025, the Brazilian Embassy in Washington D.C. formally submitted a request for his extradition to the U.S. Department of State. The request is based on the bilateral extradition treaty between Brazil and the United States. There is currently no set timeline for the U.S. authorities to analyze and respond to the request.

### 5. Guyana as an Epicenter for Transnational Crime

Ramagem’s choice of escape route into Guyana is highly significant, as it places him within a region identified by international law enforcement as a major hub for several interconnected illicit activities. These are the very issues that GACN has been diligently monitoring.

**Influx of Bolsonaro Allies and Money Launderers:** A recent investigation by Guyana Integrity has uncovered that associates of former President Jair Bolsonaro are actively establishing themselves in Guyana’s gold mining sector, using it as a vehicle for money laundering.

The investigation identifies several Brazilian figures with direct ties to Bolsonaro’s political circle who have set up operations in Guyana. These include Glaidson Acácio dos Santos, known as “Faraone dos Bitcoins,” who is currently imprisoned in Brazil for leading a massive financial pyramid scheme that defrauded investors of an estimated R$38 billion (over US$7 billion). His wife, Mirelis Díaz Zerpa, a Venezuelan national, has been living in Guyana and is a key figure in these operations.

The group is using a web of companies, including Gold Forest Mining Inc. and Remex Minerals Inc., to buy gold from small-scale miners. This gold is then exported, effectively laundering money from illicit sources, including the pyramid scheme and possibly other crimes. The gold is sold to refineries, including at least one in Switzerland, inserting dirty money into the legitimate global supply chain.

The network includes José Estevão de Sousa Júnior, known as “Júnior do Posto,” a former federal deputy candidate for Bolsonaro’s Liberal Party (PL) in Roraima. He is a business partner of Mirelis Díaz Zerpa and manages a mining cooperative in Region 8, Potaro-Siparuni. Another figure is Pastor Everaldo Dias Pereira, president of the Social Christian Party (PSC), which was allied with Bolsonaro. Pastor Everaldo is under investigation in Brazil for allegedly acting as a “frontman” for Glaidson dos Santos, including attempts to buy a major gold mining operation in Guyana.

The investigation suggests this is not an isolated incident but part of a broader strategy by individuals from Bolsonaro’s political sphere, many facing legal trouble in Brazil, to relocate their operations to Guyana. They are leveraging the country’s gold rush and perceived weak regulatory oversight to establish a new base for money laundering and illicit finance.

**Illegal Gold Mining and Smuggling:** The Guiana Shield, encompassing Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana, and the Brazilian states of Pará and Amapá, has seen a surge in illegal gold mining, driven by record-high global gold prices. This activity is now considered the “fastest-growing revenue stream for organized crime groups in Latin America” by INTERPOL Secretary General Valdecy Urquiza.

In December 2025, a landmark cross-border operation involving Brazil, French Guiana, Guyana, and Suriname was conducted to combat this problem. Operation Guyana Shield resulted in nearly 200 arrests and significant seizures, including unprocessed gold and US$590,000 in cash from three men in Guyana suspected of gold smuggling and money laundering, with alleged links to a major Guyanese gold-exporting firm. Authorities also seized mercury cylinders valued at over US$60,000, often concealed in items like solar panels and transported by bus. Mercury is highly toxic and used in the gold extraction process. Mining equipment, firearms, and counterfeit goods were also seized.

**Institutional Failures and Corruption:** The effectiveness of law enforcement is often hampered by systemic issues within Guyana’s regulatory bodies. Policy Forum Guyana (PFG) has highlighted “deep-rooted institutional failures” at the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission (GGMC), citing administrative bias, corruption, and a lack of financial transparency. PFG’s analysis of Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative reports reveals that billions in revenues are not properly accounted for, and the system can be manipulated to benefit politically connected operators, forcing smaller miners into illegal arrangements.

**Drug Trafficking Nexus:** U.S. authorities have repeatedly identified Guyana as a critical transshipment point for South American cocaine, destined for the U.S. and Europe. Recent sanctions and seizures paint a stark picture.

In August 2024, 4.4 tons of cocaine were discovered buried at a clandestine airstrip in Guyana’s Barima-Waini region. In March 2024, 2,370 kilograms of cocaine were seized from a semi-submersible vessel off the Guyanese coast.

The U.S. Treasury has sanctioned Guyanese nationals for leading major drug trafficking organizations, allegedly bribing officials to facilitate their operations. One sanctioned individual, a former Guyana Police Force officer, is a violent drug trafficker wanted for abduction. Another sanctioned individual was a law enforcement officer removed from his post in the drug-transit region of Barima-Waini.

The sanctioned drug trafficking networks are also involved in smuggling illegal gold via maritime vessels, demonstrating a clear convergence of these illicit economies. The arrival of sophisticated money launderers like Glaidson dos Santos’s network further professionalizes this financial side of the criminal ecosystem.

### 6. Connecting the Dots: Ramagem, His Escape, and the Regional Illicit Economy

The information above allows for a preliminary analysis of how Ramagem’s case intersects with the broader context of transnational crime in Guyana.

Regarding personal networks, Ramagem’s documented friendship with Rodrigo Cataratas, a figure now convicted of leading a major illegal mining operation and money laundering, suggests his links to this sector are long-standing and deep. This highlights how individuals in positions of power in Brazil may be personally connected to the convicted leaders of criminal networks that operate across the border into Guyana.

On the matter of escape facilitation, the investigation into Cataratas’s son for allegedly aiding the escape provides a direct operational link between Ramagem’s flight and a family at the heart of one of the Amazon’s largest illegal mining enterprises. This confirms that the networks GACN monitors are not just involved in resource extraction but also provide sophisticated logistical support for high-profile fugitives, facilitating their movement across the porous border.

Concerning the migration of convicted criminals, the court noted that Cataratas himself is “currently a mining businessman in Guyana,” confirming that the convicted leader of this criminal organization has established a physical presence in the country. This demonstrates that Guyana is not just a transit point but a destination for convicted criminals seeking to continue their operations. It demands scrutiny of how such individuals obtain permits and conduct business.

Regarding political sanctuary for illicit finance, the Guyana Integrity investigation reveals that a broader network of Bolsonaro allies, including those linked to massive financial crimes like Glaidson dos Santos, are establishing a physical and financial foothold in Guyana’s gold sector. This shows that Guyana is becoming a haven for the illicit assets and operations of foreign political and criminal networks. This demands enhanced due diligence on foreign investments and permits in the mining sector.

The existence of a “shadow economy” as an enabler is also critical. Well-established smuggling routes, a culture of corruption, and a vast, unregulated economy built on illegal mining and drug trafficking create an environment where fugitives and illicit money can move with relative impunity. This underscores the urgent need for the comprehensive institutional reforms advocated by GACN. Strengthening oversight and anti-corruption measures directly impacts the ability of transnational criminals to operate.

Finally, regarding route and destination, Ramagem’s trajectory—clandestine crossing into Guyana followed by a commercial flight from Georgetown to Miami—mirrors the pathways used for smuggling gold, drugs, and illicit cash. This demonstrates the interconnectivity of crime: the same routes that bring illegal gold and drugs out of the region can be used to move people.

### 7. Conclusion and Recommendations for GACN

The expanded case of Alexandre Ramagem, combined with the Guyana Integrity investigation and the landmark conviction of Rodrigo Cataratas, validates GACN’s focus on the illicit activities plaguing Guyana’s mining sector. Ramagem’s personal connections to a convicted illegal mining boss and his use of Guyana as an escape route illustrate how political corruption in one country can directly intersect with transnational criminal networks operating in another. The revelation that Cataratas himself is now operating in Guyana, alongside other associates of former President Bolsonaro who are using the gold rush for money laundering, indicates a strategic migration of sophisticated criminal actors into the country. This poses a grave threat to Guyana’s governance, financial systems, and international reputation.

For the Guyana Anti-Corruption Network, these findings reinforce the necessity of several actions.

First, GACN should continue to push for transparent and accountable governance of institutions like the GGMC, and demand enhanced due diligence on foreign investments and permits in the mining sector, especially those with political ties to foreign administrations or connections to individuals with criminal convictions.

Second, the network should investigate the specific financial inflows and business partnerships of recently arrived foreign nationals in the mining sector, particularly those with connections to Brazilian political figures or known criminal enterprises like those of Rodrigo Cataratas and Glaidson dos Santos.

Third, GACN should support cross-border law enforcement cooperation as demonstrated by Operation Guyana Shield, and advocate for better intelligence sharing on transnational criminal networks operating in the region.

Fourth, the network must continue monitoring the convergence of different crime types, including gold smuggling, drug trafficking, money laundering, and public corruption, and understand how foreign political networks may be exploiting these overlaps.

Fifth and finally, GACN should advocate for robust extradition and mutual legal assistance treaties to ensure that Guyana does not become a safe haven for fugitives like Alexandre Ramagem or a playground for convicted criminals and money launderers seeking to exploit its natural resources.

The fight against corruption in Guyana is inextricably linked to the broader battle against transnational organized crime in the region. The influx of politically connected foreign actors with deep pockets, sophisticated money laundering techniques, and, in some cases, criminal convictions, represents a new and serious challenge that requires immediate and sustained attention.

2 responses to “Jair Bolsonaro’s Criminal Network Has Infiltrated Guyana’s Government and Gold Industry”

  1. […] Network Has Infiltrated Guyana’s Government and Gold Industry.” February 26, 2026. https://guyanaintegrity.com/2026/02/26/jair-bolsonaros-criminal-network-has-infiltrated-guyanas-gove… 8. Brazil Ministry of Health. DSEI Yanomami Health Report: Mortality Indicators 2019-2023. 2024. 9. […]

  2. […] ² *Guyana Integrity*. (2026, February 26). “Jair Bolsonaro’s Criminal Network Has Infiltrated Guyana’s Government and Gold Industry.” *guyanaintegrity.com*. Available at: https://guyanaintegrity.com/2026/02/26/jair-bolsonaros-criminal-network-has-infiltrated-guyanas-gove… […]

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